Who Was Vice President In 1964

The Vice President in 1964: Hubert Humphrey and the Weight of History

Lyndon B. Johnson was sworn in as President on November 22, 1963, aboard Air Force One after JFK’s assassination. That meant someone had to step into the vice presidency — and the choice would shape the next two years of American politics in ways that still echo today.

The vice president in 1964 was Hubert H. Humphrey Jr. But calling him simply "the vice president" undersells what he actually was: a seasoned senator from Minnesota, a civil rights champion, and the man Johnson needed to balance his own ticket after a traumatic year.

Humphrey didn’t become vice president by accident. He became vice president because Johnson needed him — badly.

What the Vice Presidency Actually Was in 1964

The vice presidency in 1964 wasn’t the powerhouse role it became in later decades. Plus, the VP sat in the Senate and cast tie-breaking votes, attended state functions, and occasionally advised the president. Still, it was still largely ceremonial, a backup position with limited formal authority. That was about it.

But Humphrey wasn’t just any vice president. Johnson knew this. Because of that, he was a former senator with deep relationships in Congress, a skilled orator, and someone who understood how Washington worked at the highest levels. And Johnson, fresh off a traumatic assassination and facing a re-election campaign, needed someone who could carry weight — both symbolically and practically.

The Constitutional Reality

Under the 25th Amendment — which wouldn’t be ratified until 1967 — the vice presidency had a glaring gap: if the president died or was removed, the vice president became president. But if the vice presidency itself became vacant, there was no mechanism to fill it. The Senate would just have to wait until the next election.

In 1964, that gap was still very real. Which made having a capable vice president all the more important.

Why Humphrey Specifically?

Johnson needed a running mate who could do three things:

First, appeal to Northern liberals who were skeptical of his conservative record on civil rights. Even so, second, bring credibility on domestic policy — especially civil rights, where Humphrey had been a leading voice for years. Third, help carry key states in the general election.

Humphrey checked every box. But he was a liberal icon, a civil rights advocate, and a Midwesterner who could help in states like Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Illinois. Johnson picked him not just for what he could do as vice president, but for what he could do as a campaign partner.

Why It Mattered — More Than Most People Realize

Here’s what most people miss: the 1964 election wasn’t just about choosing between Lyndon Johnson and Barry Goldwater. It was about choosing between two visions of America — one progressive and activist, the other conservative and restrained.

And Humphrey was the key to Johnson’s vision winning.

The Civil Rights Factor

Humphrey had been one of the Senate’s most consistent voices on civil rights. Practically speaking, in 1948, he’d been the floor manager for the Civil Rights Act of 1948. In 1957, he’d helped push through the Civil Rights Act of 1957. By 1964, he was widely respected — even feared — by segregationists and civil rights advocates alike.

When Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 in July of that year, Humphrey was in the room. That's why not as an afterthought, but as a partner. Johnson needed Humphrey’s credibility to sell the bill to skeptical Northern Democrats, and he needed him to help manage the backlash from Southern Democrats who were already drifting toward Goldwater.

The Campaign That Changed Everything

The 1964 election was a landslide — Johnson won 61% of the popular vote and 38 states. Goldwater won only his home state of Arizona plus five states in the Deep South.

Humphrey’s role was quieter than you might expect. He didn’t give major speeches. He didn’t campaign as aggressively as some VPs. He didn’t even appear on the ballot in some states — including Texas, Johnson’s home state — because state law required electors to vote for the presidential candidate who won the state, not the running mate.

But behind the scenes, Humphrey was doing the work that mattered: reassuring Northern liberals, calming labor unions, and quietly helping Johnson figure out the tricky politics of civil rights legislation that was still working its way through Congress.

The 1964 Election and the Future of the Party

The 1964 election marked the beginning of the end for the New Deal Coalition. Southern Democrats, angry over civil rights, began drifting toward the GOP. Labor unions, while still loyal to Johnson, were increasingly uneasy about the direction of the party.

Humphrey, with his progressive credentials, was Johnson’s bridge to the liberal wing of the party. Without him, Johnson’s coalition might have fractured entirely.

How the Selection Actually Happened

The story of how Humphrey became vice president is one of political calculation, personal loyalty, and a little bit of luck.

The Short List

After JFK’s assassination, Johnson’s team began vetting potential running mates. The short list included:

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• Hubert Humphrey — liberal senator from Minnesota, civil rights champion
• Robert Kennedy — JFK’s brother, Attorney General, controversial figure
• Stuart Symington — senator from Missouri, wealthy, respected
• Pat Brown — governor of California, moderate
• Abraham Ribicoff — senator from Connecticut, Jewish, urban appeal

Kennedy was out almost immediately — too divisive, too closely tied to JFK’s legacy. Symington was a strong candidate but had health issues. Brown was seen as too moderate. Ribicoff was excellent but Jewish, and Johnson worried about anti-Semitic backlash in certain states.

That left Humphrey.

The Decision

Johnson made the call on September 8, 1964 — just weeks before the election. But it was late, but not too late. The Democratic National Convention had already happened in Atlantic City, where Johnson had been formally nominated. The vice presidential nomination was supposed to be decided there, but Johnson had delayed it, saying he wanted to pick someone who could help in the general election.

Humphrey accepted quickly. He’d been expecting the call.

The Announcement

The announcement came at a press conference in Minneapolis, Humphrey’s home city. Johnson flew in, they stood together at the podium, and for a moment, the weight of the past year seemed to lift.

Humphrey gave a short speech. He talked about civil rights, about economic justice, about the need to move forward. Day to day, he didn’t mention JFK. He didn’t need to.

What Most People Get Wrong About 1964

There are a few persistent myths about the vice presidency in 1964 — and about Hubert Humphrey specifically.

Myth #1: Humphrey Was Just a Token Liberal

This is wrong. Still, humphrey wasn’t picked to satisfy the left wing of the party. He was picked because Johnson genuinely believed he was the best person for the job — as vice president, as a campaign partner, and as a future president if needed.

Humphrey had real influence in the Johnson administration. He was involved in shaping civil rights policy, in managing relations with Congress, and in preparing for the 1965 inauguration. He wasn’t just along for the ride.

Myth #2: The 1964 Election Wasn’t Close

It was close — in the sense that Goldwater almost won. The “Daisy” ad, aired by Johnson’s campaign, was controversial precisely because it was needed. Pollsters in September 1964 gave Goldwater a real chance. Without it, Goldwater might have won.

Humphrey’s presence on the ticket helped Johnson avoid a Goldwater victory. But liberal Democrats who might have been hesitant otherwise voted straight ticket. Union members who were skeptical of Johnson’s Vietnam policies still turned out in force.

Myth #3: Humphrey Didn’t Do Much as VP

This is the biggest myth of all. Humphrey was one of the most active vice presidents in American history up to that point. He attended over

the 150 congressional hearings held during Johnson’s term, chaired key committees on legislation, and played a critical role in advancing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. He also managed the White House’s relationship with the Senate, leveraging his former role as Senate Majority Whip to broker compromises. His work on the Moynihan Report, which analyzed urban poverty, laid groundwork for the War on Poverty. Critics may dismiss him as a “do-nothing” VP, but his behind-the-scenes influence was profound.

The Aftermath

Humphrey’s 1964 nomination set the stage for a historic election. Johnson’s landslide victory over Goldwater (61% to 38%) cemented the Democratic coalition’s dominance, but it also masked fissures. The vice presidential ticket had become a de facto trial balloon for future presidential ambitions. Humphrey, though loyal, was seen as a potential successor, a role he would later embrace in 1968. His presence on the ticket also signaled Johnson’s commitment to continuity—even as the administration’s policies, like the escalation in Vietnam, grew increasingly contentious.

Legacy of the Choice

Humphrey’s selection remains a case study in political pragmatism. Johnson prioritized electoral survival over ideological purity, balancing the need for a trusted partner with the realities of a polarized electorate. While some saw it as a missed opportunity to elevate a rising star like Ribicoff or Symington, others argue it was a shrewd move that preserved the Democratic Party’s unity during a volatile period. For Humphrey, the vice presidency was both a triumph and a stepping stone—a role that would later define his tragic arc as a presidential candidate in 1968.

In the end, the 1964 decision reflected the complexities of leadership in a moment of transition. Johnson’s choice was not about appeasing factions or honoring a legacy, but about securing a future. And in that sense, it worked—barely. The election’s outcome validated the gamble, but the shadows of what lay ahead—Vietnam, civil rights, and the unraveling of the New Deal coalition—were already looming. Humphrey’s vice presidency was a fleeting chapter in a story that would soon demand a new kind of leader.